Warning: This article contains disturbing details from the start.

A group of children spotted Adel’s body on their way to school, just as his parents were heading to the police station to report him missing. Adel’s body, a grotesque, charred silhouette, lay reclining, with one knee raised, seemingly lounging on one of Marseille’s nearby beaches.

He was 15 when he died, in the usual way: a bullet in the head, then petrol poured over his slim corpse and set on fire.

Someone even filmed the scene on the beach, the latest in a grim series of shoot-then-burn murders linked to this port city’s fast-evolving drug wars, increasingly fuelled by social media and now marked by chillingly random acts of violence and by the growing role of children, often coerced into the trade.

“It’s chaos now,” said a scrawny gang member, lifting his shirt in a nearby park to show us a torso marked by the scars of at least four bullets – the result of an attempted assassination by a rival gang.

France’s Ministry of Justice estimates that the number of teenagers involved in the drug trade has risen more than fourfold in the past eight years.

“I’ve been in [a gang] since I was 15. But everything has changed now. The codes, the rules – there are no more rules. Nobody respects anything these days. The bosses start… to use youngsters. They pay them peanuts. And they end up killing others for no real reason. “It’s anarchy all over town,” said the man, now in his early 20s, who asked us to use his nickname, The Immortal.

Across Marseille, police, lawyers, politicians and community organisers talk of a psychosis – a state of collective trauma or panic – gripping parts of the city, as they debate whether to fight back with ever tougher police action or with fresh attempts to address entrenched poverty.

“It’s an atmosphere of fear. It’s obvious that the drug traffickers are dominant and gaining more ground every day,” said a local lawyer, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals against her or her family.

“The rule of law is now subordinate to the gangs. Until we have a strong state again, we have to take precautions,” she said, explaining her recent decision to stop representing victims of gang violence.

“The competition in the drug trade is so intense that individuals are willing to do anything.” So, we have kids aged 13 or 14 who come in as lookouts or dealers. The young see dead bodies; they hear about it every day. And they’re no longer afraid of killing or being killed,” community organiser Mohamed Benmeddour told us.

The trigger for Marseille’s current psychosis was the murder, last month, of Mehdi Kessaci, a 20-year-old trainee policeman with no links to the drug trade. It is widely believed his death was intended as a warning to his brother, a prominent 22-year-old anti-gang activist and aspiring politician named Amine Kessaci.

Under close police protection now, Kessaci spoke to the BBC about Mehdi’s death and the guilt he feels.

“Should I have made my family leave [Marseille]? The struggle of my life will be this fight against guilt,” he said.

In 2020, Amine Kessaci gained national prominence following the murder of his older brother, Brahim, a gang member.

“We’ve had this psychosis for years. We’ve known that our lives are hanging by a single thread. But everything has changed since Covid. The perpetrators are getting younger and younger. The victims are younger and younger,” he said.

“My little brother was an innocent victim. There was a time when real thugs adhered to a moral code. You don’t kill during the day. Not in front of everyone. You don’t burn bodies. First you threaten with a shot to the leg… Today these steps have all disappeared.”

France police are responding.

Citing today’s “unprecedented” levels of violence, French police are responding with what they call security “bombardments” in high-crime areas of Marseille.

Although one gang, the DZ Mafia, now appears to dominate the trade, it operates a kind of franchise system, with a fractious network of small distributors often staffed by teenagers and undocumented immigrants, who clash violently over territory.

According to one estimate, up to 20,000 people may be involved in the city’s drug industry. Last year officials confiscated €42m (£36m) in criminal assets from the gangs.

Video footage shared on social media routinely shows gang members armed with automatic rifles shooting at each other in Marseille’s various cités—poor neighbourhoods characterised by high-rise buildings and a concentration of social housing.

On a cold afternoon last week, we accompanied a group of armed riot police on one of their regular “bombardment” missions.

The officers sped up to a dilapidated block of flats in their vans as a youthful gang lookout on the gate promptly fled on foot. Splitting into two groups, the police ran up either side of the building seeking to catch dealers in the stairwells.

“The aim is to disrupt the drug-dealing spots. We’ve closed more than 40 of them… and we’ve locked up many people,” explained Sébastien Lautard, a regional police chief.

“Turn him round,” said an officer, brusquely, as his team pinned an 18-year-old up against a door.

In a filthy cellar nearby, the police found dozens of vials and tiny plastic bags used to distribute cocaine. Later, a policeman explained that the young man they had detained was pleading to be arrested, saying he had come to Marseille from another city and was now being held against his will and forced to work for a drug gang.

The officers took him away in a van.

“This is not El Dorado. We have many youngsters recruited on social media. They come to Marseille thinking they’ll make easy money. They’re promised €200 ($233; £175) a day. But it often ends in misery, violence, and sometimes death,” said the city’s chief prosecutor, Nicolas Bessone.

In his office close to the city’s old harbour, Bessone described an industry thought to be worth up to €7 billion nationwide and characterised by two new developments: a growing emphasis on online recruitment, sales, and delivery and a rising number of teenagers coerced into the trade.

“We now see how the traffickers enslave these… little soldiers. They create fictional debts to make them work for free. They torture them if they steal €20 to buy a sandwich. It’s ultra-violence. The average age of the perpetrators and victims is getting younger and younger,” said Bessone.

He urged local people not to succumb to a psychosis but instead to “react, to rise up”.

The lawyer who asked us to hide her identity described a case she had handled.

“One young person, who absolutely didn’t want to be part of a network, was picked up after school, forced to participate in the drugs trade, was raped, then threatened, and then his family was also threatened. All means are used to create a workforce,” she said.

On TikTok, dozens of videos, set to music, advertise drugs for sale in Marseille’s cités “from 10:00 to midnight”, each product with its own emoji, for cocaine, hashish and marijuana. Other adverts seek to recruit new gang members with messages like “recruiting a worker”, “€250 for lookouts”, and “€500 to carry drugs”.

For some local politicians, the answer to Marseille’s troubles is a state of emergency and far tougher rules on immigration.

“Authority must be restored. We need to end a culture of permissiveness in our country. We need to give more freedom and more power to the police and the judiciary,” said Franck Alissio, a local MP for the populist, far-right National Rally party and a prospective mayoral candidate.

Although the ancient Mediterranean city of Marseille has, for centuries, been known for its large immigrant community, Alissio argued that “today, the problem is that we are no longer able to integrate economically and assimilate. The issue at hand is the excessive influx of immigrants. It’s the number [of immigrants] that’s the problem. And in fact, the drug traffickers, dealers, lookouts, and leaders of these mafias are almost all immigrants or foreigners with dual nationality.”

It is a controversial claim that is difficult to verify in a country that strives to avoid including such details in official figures.

Alissio claimed that billions of euros had been poured into Marseille’s poorest neighbourhoods by successive governments to no effect. While blaming parents and schools for enabling children to engage in the drug trade, he emphasised his focus on “solving the problem, not doing sociology”.

Far-right parties have long enjoyed strong support across the south of France, but less so in the diverse city of Marseille itself. Critics of the RN, like the lawyer whose identity we have concealed, accused the party of “exploiting misery and fear” and wrongly blaming immigrants for a “gangrene” that is widespread across all communities in France.

Philippe Pujol, a local writer and expert on the drug trade in Marseille, was also offered police protection after the murder of Mehdi Kessaci last month.

“I’m not sure if there’s a good reason for this terror. But… terror is taking hold. I would rather be afraid and careful than take unnecessary risks,” he said.

But he hit back against calls for tougher police action, arguing it was merely nursing the symptoms “of a suffering society”, rather than treating the causes of the problem.

Describing entrenched poverty as a “monster”, Pujol painted a picture of a society radicalised by decades of neglect.

“The monster is a mixture of patronage, corruption, and political and economic decisions made against the public interest,” Pujol said.

“These kids can be jerks when they’re in a group, but when you’re alone with them, they’re still children, with dreams, who don’t want this violence.”

Iceland has joined Spain, Ireland, Slovenia and the Netherlands by saying it will boycott the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest.

Israel’s official confirmation of its participation in the competition last week led to the withdrawal of all five countries.

Stefan Eiriksson, director-general of Icelandic national broadcaster RÚV, said, “There is no peace or joy connected to this contest as things stand now. On that basis, first and foremost, we are stepping back while the situation is as it is.”

RÚV said Israel’s participation had “created disunity among both members of the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and the general public”.

The broadcaster’s board agreed to the decision at a meeting on Wednesday, hours before the deadline for countries to confirm whether they will join what’s supposed to be a celebratory 70th anniversary edition of the song contest next May.

Iceland was believed to be the last remaining country to announce its decision.

Eurovision director Martin Green said, “We respect the decision of all broadcasters who have chosen not to participate in next year’s Eurovision Song Contest and hope to welcome them back soon.”

Israel’s presence at Eurovision has been an increasing source of tension because of the war in Gaza and concerns about the voting and campaigning processes, including accusations that Israel’s government tried to influence the public vote at this year’s event.

A new raft of measures designed to protect the integrity of the vote was approved at an EBU summit last week, after which most countries confirmed they would travel to Vienna for the 2026 contest.

Previously, the Icelandic broadcaster’s board approved a recommendation to request the EBU to ban Israel from Eurovision 2026.

Iceland was reportedly among seven countries that then requested a vote at the EBU general meeting on Israel’s participation.

That request was denied, and Israel’s future participation was instead effectively tied to a ballot on the new voting and campaigning rules.

The Icelandic broadcaster said that while the new measures addressed many of its concerns, it “believes that there are still doubts whether the agreed adjustments will be fully satisfactory.”

“RÚV has repeatedly raised concerns that various Icelandic stakeholders, such as artist associations and the general public, were opposed to participation in the contest.

“Furthermore, RÚV had requested the EBU to exclude [Israeli public broadcaster] KAN from the contest in accordance with precedents.

“It is a complex matter that has already damaged the contest’s reputation and the EBU,” emphasising the necessity of a solution for all concerned parties.

KAN supplied a transcript of Thursday’s meeting, in which Golan Yochpaz, the broadcaster’s chief executive, criticised those attempting to exclude Israel.

“We can only understand the attempt to remove KAN from the contest as a cultural boycott,” he stated. Israel may be the first to be boycotted, but no one knows who else will be affected.

“Is such behaviour truly what we want this contest to be remembered for on its 70th anniversary?”

Israel has taken part in Eurovision since 1973 because KAN, its public broadcaster, is a member of the EBU, which organises the competition.

Iceland has never won.

Israel has won four times, most recently in 2018, and came second in the 2025 contest.

Iceland has never won but came second in 1999 and 2009.

Meanwhile, Poland confirmed on Wednesday that it will take part in next year’s contest.

“We are aware of the scale of tensions surrounding the upcoming edition. We understand the emotions and concerns,” broadcaster TVP said.

“However, we believe that Eurovision still has a chance to once again become a space filled with music – and only music.

“We are giving it that chance, just as the vast majority of EBU members are.”